Showing posts with label Ethics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Ethics. Show all posts

Dalit Feminism At The Crossroads Of Difference, Solidarity, And Dual Patriarchies.

 


The concept that the 'dalit woman,' its major constituency, is positioned at the intersection of caste and gender, lies at the heart of Dalit Feminism. 

Dalit women are not homogeneous groups that can be cleanly classified as 'women' or 'dalits.' 

Caste and gender are two separate and mutually incompatible characteristics that define 'women' and 'dalits' in mainstream Indian Feminism and Dalit Politics, respectively. 

As a consequence, dalit women and their issues are obliterated or obfuscated. 

Urmila Pawar notes, "The Dalit movement is a movement for whole human freedom." In a brief understanding of the dalit women's condition and its prospective resolution, Urmila Pawar says, "The Dalit movement is a struggle for total human freedom." 

However, it does not seem to give enough attention to the women's issue. 

The women's liberation movement should also be a component of this human emancipation movement. 

It isn't the case. 

There is a popular misconception that, unlike Brahmin women, Dalit women are not bound by suffocating constraints. 

In this position, the grief of the Devadasi, the forsaken lady, and the Murali is overlooked.... 

Dalit educated women should also shed the misconception that they can only succeed in the world with the support of males. 

Both as dalits and as women, these women must struggle for their rights. 

Pawar's speech highlights two critical analytical omissions: gender in Dalit politics and caste in mainstream Indian feminist thought. 

Dalit Feminism, according to Pawar's remark, is an interventionist approach that aims to address the multifaceted aspect of dalit women's identities. 

The gap between Dalit Feminism and mainstream Indian Feminism and Dalit Politics is therefore expressed via the concept of intersectionality. 

Intersectionality is a theoretical framework for looking at how oppressive regimes interact with one another. 

Intersectionality first appeared in the legal academia in the late 1980s and early 1990s, with Kimberlé Crenshaw's seminal work 'Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence Against Women of Color.' Its main goal has been to provide a paradigm for analyzing power that takes gender, class, and race-based subordination into account and links them.

The concept of intersectionality emerged from the theorization of triple oppressed black women by feminists of color. 

Using black women as an example, Crenshaw demonstrates how intersectionality rejects the single-axis paradigm espoused by both feminist and anti-racist researchers, instead examining "the different ways in which race and gender interact to determine the multiple aspects of black women's... 

lives." By identifying the multiplicities and diversity within categories like "woman" and "black," intersectionality calls into question the homogeneity of these categories. 

By presenting an approach that identifies various axes of oppression impacting black women and challenges the homogeneity assumed by both feminist and anti-racist discourses, intersectionality offers an enabling technique for feminist analysis. 

Leslie McCall's theorization of intersectionality via inter-categorical and intra-categorical techniques is particularly relevant in this situation. 

The inter-categorical approach recognizes "relations of inequality among social groups and changing configurations of inequality along multiple and conflicting dimensions," whereas the intra-categorical approach "interrogates the boundary-making and boundary-defining process itself," maintaining a critical stance toward categories that are primarily seen through a single axis of identity. 

Theorists of intersectionality have harshly critiqued political formations centered on a single axis of identity. 

The issue with identity politics, according to Crenshaw, is not that it fails to transcend difference, as some detractors argue, but rather that it often conflates or overlooks intra-group distinctions. 

She claims that black males and white women acquire prominence in minority politics such as anti-racism and Western Feminism, obscuring black women who endure both racist and sexist oppression at the same time. 

As a result, one of identity politics' key flaws is its incapacity to view individuals via different axes of identification and comprehend the multifaceted aspects of oppression. 

Through its recognition of diversity, intersectionality is considered as an enabling tool in this more nuanced strategical option. 

Black Feminism uses the notion of diversity to problematize the category of 'woman' in Western feminist politics. 

Women in general were seen as a'minority group' by White Feminism, who saw them as a homogenous category in which oppression is tied to gender. 

'Woman' was portrayed as a single subject that transcended race, class, and ethnicity as a result of this universalization. 

In an effort to homogenize feminist politics, such an epistemological postulation emphasises a unitary form of patriarchal oppression and a universalized experience of womanhood, culminating in the erasure of diversity among women. 

As a result of the categorization of the category 'woman' and its subjective experience, women from minority groups, such as women of color, become structurally excluded. 

While the feminist notion of sisterhood aids in the formation of a collective resistance, it empowers only some groups of women while marginalizing others, according to black feminists. 

This Bridge Called My Back by Moraga and Anzalda raises concerns about the Feminist constituency of 'woman,' emphasizing its diversity. 

Moraga highlights in her prologue to the second edition that this book departs from Feminism's nearly exclusive emphasis on sex connections, instead focusing on relationships between women.' 

They encourage a feminist voice that highlights the divisions within the category of woman. 

This book began as a response to White Feminism's bigotry and has evolved into a celebration of the emergence of unity among feminists of color. 

As a result, according to Baca Zinn, "many women began to argue that their lives were affected by their location in a number of different hierarchies: as African Americans, Latinas, Native Americans, or Asian Americans in the race hierarchy; as young or old in the age hierarchy; as heterosexual, lesbian, or bisexual in the sexual orientation hierarchy; and as women outside of Western industrialized nations, in subordinated geopolitical contexts." These arguments demonstrated that women were disadvantaged not just because of their gender, but also because of historical and systematic denials of rights and benefits based on other characteristics. 

The knowledge that general issues are far distant from the reality of many women's life illustrates the power dynamics that generate gender hierarchy. 

It becomes clear that a singular and exclusive emphasis on gender emphasizes concerns affecting a single group of women while diverting attention away from other structures and systems, such as race, which are vital in sustaining the oppression of other categories of women. 

As a result, women of color have challenged Western Feminism's sisterhood concepts, contending that it is white middle-class-centric. 

They claim that concepts of gender and women's oppression fundamentally disregard marginalized women, and that efforts to attain a universal politics often result in a single point of view being prioritized. 

In interventionist politics like Black Feminism, recognizing diversity becomes vital in order to avoid the effects and traps of prevailing structural paradigms and construct a more effective politics. 

Intersectionality emphasizes not just the diversity of black women's experiences, but also their similarities. 

This intracategorical difference is noticeable between white women and black males. 

The Combahee River Collective's 'The Black Feminist Statement' describes how they realized that "as children... 

we were different from boys and that we were treated differently, for example, when we were told to be quiet both for the sake of being "ladylike" and to make us less objectionable in the eyes of white people." As a result, Black Feminism reveals the complexities and uniqueness of race and gender oppression of black women that both antiracists and White Feminism overlooked. 

According to black feminists, black women are either portrayed as victimized objects by black male authors or are featured as tokens by white feminists out of guilt. 

Furthermore, as Kimberly Springer points out, Black feminists have been accused of inauthentic blackness by the black community because of their gender issues. 

According to the Sandy Springs transcript, black women also had to be wary of white feminists who labeled them "the worst sort" of black women for allegedly betraying their race. 

Both black nationalist and white feminist assessments of black women's racial authenticity thought that a really revolutionary black woman valued her racial oppression above her gender. 

In this debate, white feminists, like black males, refused to acknowledge the complexities of racial and gender oppression. 

Instead, they opted to perceive black women as just that: black. 

As a consequence, black feminists learned that "the master's tools will never deconstruct the master's home." They may allow us to defeat him at his own game for a while, but they will never allow us to effect meaningful change.'

Black Feminism and Dalit Feminism share an emphasis on the significance of acknowledging diversity in building an understanding of oppression and resistance in connection to diverse forms of power. 

While Black Feminism looks for black women at the junction of race and gender, Dalit Feminism looks for dalit women at the confluence of caste and gender in establishing and informing feminist politics. 

Similar to how Black Feminism articulates its politics in opposition to White Feminism and anti-racism, Dalit Feminism uses intervention to distinguish itself from mainstream Indian Feminism and Dalit Politics. 

Despite the fact that the phrase was not invented or used in India, Nivedita Menon points out that the practice of intersectionality has long been prevalent among India's oppressed communities. 

She expresses reservations about using intersectionality as a theoretical framework to analyze and comprehend "the Indian experience," arguing that "theory must be located" and that "the practice of validating any study on the "non-West" by reading it through a "Western" theory should be challenged." Menon emphasizes that intersectionality is a 'buzzword' that got popularity owing to the significance of the site of its birth, and that intersectionality is unsuited in the Indian context due to the various layers of identities that already exist in India. 

Menon focuses on caste, community, and sexuality in particular to show how they continue to split the category of "woman" and destabilize feminist politics. 

In India's marginalized politics, such means of recognizing and tackling difference are already in practice. 

'How does intersectionality feature in this analysis?' Menon wonders. 

She criticizes the exact discipline from which intersectionality emerges, arguing that law has been the most limiting vehicle for binding and fixing identities according to convenience. 

As a result, going to law and looking for solutions is pointless. 

Furthermore, Menon points out that Crenshaw believes that identities are a-priori when he proposes the concept of intersection of identities. 

Mary E. John revisits Menon's piece to discuss intersectionality, which allows all disadvantaged voices to be heard rather than prioritizing one over the other. 

John points out that Crenshaw and other intersectionality theorists do not claim to have invented the concept. 

They often reference Black Feminism, which dates back to 1851, when Sojourner Truth delivered her now-iconic speech, 'Ain't I a Woman?' As a result, John contends, intersectionality should not be seen as a new phenomena, despite the fact that it has become a catchphrase. 

John goes on to say that, although emphasizing difference, Indian Feminism has not always dealt with intersecting identities. 

With the exception of community, Feminism in India is still focused on sex differences rather than the 'unequal patriarchies' that are responsible for the creation and perpetuation of hierarchies among women of various classes, castes, and communities. 

Instead of rejecting intersectionality outright, John thinks that it should be used to analyze current identities and politics and generate unity. 

As a result, intersectionality has the ability to serve as a jumping off point for dialogues. 

Dalit Feminism examines how conventional Indian Feminism and Dalit Politics erase or disregard dalit women, and how the constructs of 'woman' and 'dalit' privilege savarna women and dalit men. 

Invoking intersectionality, Dalit Feminism confronts these erasures and additions. 

As previously stated, Dalit Feminism's relationship to the notion of difference may be traced by recognizing its constituency, the "dalit woman," as intersectional and hence unique from "woman" in mainstream Indian Feminism and "dalit" in Dalit Politics. 

We are concerned that dalit women in India suffer from three oppressions: gender, as a result of patriarchy; class, as members of the poorest and most marginalized communities; and caste, as members of the lowest caste, the 'untouchables,' according to the National Federation of Dalit Women's (NFDW) VIII National Convention on June 26, 2009 in New Delhi. 

This proclamation highlights three overlapping variables of gender, class, and caste, demonstrating that inequality and difference exist not just between those in the rich/poor, upper-caste/dalit dichotomy, but also between women and men within the dalit community. 

The Dalit Mahila Samiti notes in a 2008 report, "The national objective of the women's movement is still defined by middle-class women's ideas....  Identity politics and objectives are challenging to include into the national movement, and mainstream Indian feminists must include other groups' politics and values. 

For example, national women's organizations decided that the emphasis of Women's Day festivities would be violence against women, while access to water was a significant concern for local women. 

This signals a change away from enforcing uniformity and toward acknowledging diversity in terms of how various systems, when combined with gender, influence diverse groups of women in different ways. 

Catharine MacKinnon, commenting on the relevance of particularity in intersectionality, points out that particularity does not imply seeing information derived from a particular group's experience as limiting, stagnant, or restrictive. 

Instead, specificity is used to provide a more nuanced understanding of systems. 

Intersectionality, according to MacKinnon, "reveals the simple falsity of the standard post-Enlightenment opposition between particularity and universality not only by exposing that particularity is universal but also by making a universally applicable change—including men—by embracing, rather than obscuring, denying, or eliding, particularity." Dalit Feminism, meanwhile, develops as an intersectional politics since it accounts for differences within and across communities, transforming the frameworks of mainstream Indian Feminism and Dalit Politics in the process. 

According to DMS's report, We recognize that from a feminist viewpoint, dealing with a broad variety of concerns has been necessary, although our perception of a movement is fairly limited. 

The 'enemy' (patriarchy) has various forms and so may be found wherever. 

It is not a monolithic construction that can be demolished. 

As a result, the definition of a movement must be broadened to include the whole range of actions and processes that a feminist group striving for fundamental change must engage in in order to establish a movement. 

This remark underlines the need of incorporating diversity into mainstream Indian Feminism and Dalit Politics. 

While autonomy has always been seen as the most important element of Dalit Feminism, dalit feminists have fought against the ghettoization of Dalit Feminism into a politics practiced only by dalit women. 

According to the DMS study, a dalit feminist movement is not separatist. 

In DMS, the women 'ask the males to become sathi dars, or supporters.' Even though "the call for a separate platform" by dalit women's organizations like NFDW "could be interpreted as a divisive move by both dalit men and non-dalit women," Ruth Manorama clarifies that "the proponents of such a special forum emphasize that their initiative must not be mistaken for a separatist movement." 'Rather, they claim that if their shared goal of social, economic, and political equality and justice for all is to be fulfilled, strong coalitions between the dalit movement, the women's movement, and the dalit women's movement are required,' she continues.

In truth, this demand for solidarity isn't limited to dalit males and upper-caste women joining hands with dalit women. 

As stressed during the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995 and the World Conference Against Racism in Durban in 2001, the need for solidarity goes beyond international societies. 

Ruth Manorama recounts how her involvement in a cross-cultural research comparing African-Americans in the United States and dalits in India in 1986 helped her recognize the need of having talks between dalit and black women in an interview with Meena Kandasamy. 

Shailaja Paik argues, "Despite the seemingly vast differences in the history and contemporary politics of India and the United States, by focusing on the interlocking engagements between feminist work and histories of colonialism, nationalism, law, culture, the nation-state, capital, labor relations, religion, human rights, and struggles around sexuality, [practicing solidarity] helps to rethink and revitalize feminist theory and praxis. 

It demonstrates how understanding specificities and differences, as well as forging a common cause between dalit and African American women, is critical for building solidarity, laying out certain political possibilities, and combating various forms of Brahmanism in India and white supremacy in the United States. "

Dalit Feminism emphasizes discussion rather than antagonism by stressing the possibility of solidarity across gender and ethnicity without eliminating specificities and disparities. 

Comprehending Dalit Feminism in terms of the notion of difference allows us to illustrate how understanding the intersectionality of caste and gender may lead to more fruitful intellectual debates, rather than just highlighting the flaws in mainstream Indian Feminism or Dalit Politics. 

In Dalit Feminism, the notion of difference extends beyond distinguishing 'dalit women' as distinct from 'women' and 'dalits,' and includes the development of an affinity-based politics that acknowledges the potentials of the unique. 

The identification of two patriarchies: brahmanical and dalit patriarchies is another key contribution of the notion of difference in Dalit Feminism. 

The acknowledgment of brahmanical and dalit patriarchies has been crucial in exposing the reality that Indian women's subjugation is multifaceted. 

Brahmanical patriarchy, according to Uma Chakravarti, is "a system of laws and institutions in which caste and gender are intertwined, one molding the other, and women are vital in sustaining caste borders." The caste system may be repeated without compromising the hierarchical order of closed endogamous circles, each unique from and higher and lower than the others, thanks to patriarchal norms in this framework. 

Furthermore, brahmanical norms for women varied depending on the caste group's position in the caste structure, with the most strict control over sexuality reserved for the highest castes. 

Finally, it incorporates both an ideology of valued chaste wives and pativrata women, as well as a system of norms and institutions that sustain caste hierarchy and gender inequality via the manufacture of consent and the use of compulsion. 

The beliefs of brahmanical patriarchy are structurally intertwined into the caste system, providing separate sets of laws for upper-caste and dalit women in terms of sexuality, marriage, and labor, as codified in brahmanical prescriptive writings like as the Manusmriti. 

54 Because the word 'brahmanism' permits multiple sorts of repressive qualities impacting different groups of women, interpreting patriarchy as brahmanical patriarchy becomes an enabling aspect of dalit feminist politics. 

In their memoirs Karukku and The Grip of Change, Dalit women authors like Bama and Sivakami explain how institutional oppression of caste and gender act in simultaneity, with dalit women facing sexual and physical assault not just from upper-caste people but also from dalit males. 

Dalit Politics has sought to dismiss any such claims by claiming that there is no such thing as dalit patriarchy since all dalits are oppressed. 

Even if there are evidence of patriarchal oppression, they argue that brahmanical patriarchy is to fault for presenting dalit males with models of dominance. 

Kancha Ilaiah connects women's subjugation to brahmanical ceremonial practices in Why I Am Not a Hindu, pointing out that women in dalit communities do not face the same patriarchal domination as their upper-caste counterparts. 

A Dalitbahujan lady is not required to conduct padapuja (worshiping the husband's feet) to her husband in the morning or evening, according to him. 

She is not required to address her spouse in the same manner as she would a superior. 

In a conflict, word for word is the socially visible standard, and abuse for abuse is the socially visible norm. 

Although Patriarchy as a system exists among Dalitbahujan, it is far more democratic in this regard. 

While Ilaiah acknowledges that patriarchy exists in dalit communities, he emphasizes that it is emancipatory in comparison to upper-caste patriarchy. 

As a result, dalit women are only acknowledged in connection to brahmanical patriarchy in order to emphasize their distinction from upper-caste women. 

In his essay, Gopal Guru highlights this point: 'Dalit males are recreating the same methods against their women that their high-caste rivals used to oppress them.' The unexpected absence of scholarly interest in this subject also reflects a widespread belief that it does not exist. 

Challapalli Swaroopa Rani, on the other hand, believes that the concept of a democratic patriarchy in dalit culture is untrue. 

She writes,If we come now to the subject of patriarchy, as the saying goes, ‘the size of the tree dictates the fury of the wind’, indicating that a man would mistreat those who rely upon him to the degree that his authority permits. 

Because a dalit man lacks the same resources as an upper-caste landowner, he practices tyranny within his own boundaries. 

However, under that patriarchal structure, democracy does not exist. 

Dalit women are 'cruelly humiliated in public areas,' according to Swaroopa Rani, and they also experience domestic abuse and physical ailments. 

She labels the subjugation of dalit women as "brahmanical" and "patriarchal." She refutes this 'democratic' portrayal of the dalit society by stating that a dalit man "carries out tyranny within his own bounds." 

Furthermore, dalit patriarchy not only exists in a forceful form, but it often acts from inside, cloaked by the wider image of the dalit as a sinuous, fixed category in which caste becomes the only deciding element of analysis. 

Dalit Feminism focuses on the junction of caste and gender and the necessity to confront them concurrently by conceiving patriarchies in all of its forms and establishing Brahmanism as the main cause. 

The notion of feminism is also altered as a result of this research of patriarchy in its many forms.


~ Jai Krishna Ponnappan

You may also want to read more about Feminism and Activism here.




Dalit Feminism's Ascension

 


The National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW) in 1995 and the All India Dalit Women's Forum (AIDWF) in 2006 are examples of independent and autonomous dalit women's organizations that arose from a strong belief that dalit women needed to organize themselves to address their'special needs and problems.'

What this'special requirements and challenges' meant was that dalit women were in a different situation than upper-caste women and dalit males. 

In other words, it highlighted the need to distinguish between 'women' and 'dalits.' "Assertion of the dalit women's experience via the forum of their organizations grabbed the attention of mainstream feminist activists and scholars, leading to a significant discussion on the plurality vs unity within the women's movement," writes Mangala Subramaniam. 

It's worth noting that the Shah Bano case in India in 1985 provided fertile ground for the development of various feminist ideas. 

However, mainstream Feminism did not always see them favorably. 

Even though communal differences among women were identified in the Shah Bano case, caste was never incorporated into mainstream feminist discourse as an analytical frame. 

Although caste and communalism have had an impact on women's movements from the early twentieth century, Mary E. John writes that "it is a matter of historical record that women's groups were unable to continue their early attempts toward a more inclusive politics." 

Early twentieth-century politicians who propounded a new India boasting female equality came to commit to a politics that was essentially 'elite, Hindu, and upper caste' in order to symbolize 'a unique period of liberal universalism in India.' 

The participation of the NFDW at the United Nations World Conference Against Racism in Durban in 2001 was a watershed point for dalit women's groups, as the NFDW "asserted itself as speaking for dalit women and began taking up dalit women's problems at the international level." 

Dalit feminists' affiliation with foreign forums, according to Atrey, served two purposes: making their own views heard and exerting pressure on the Indian government through international organizations. 

The visibility of Dalit Feminism in international forums helped to highlight how "caste, class, and gender discrimination prevents dalit women from enjoying their basic human rights, particularly dignity, equality, and development," as well as how "atrocities and violence against dalit women... [help] preserve the existing caste and gender disparities."

These observations emphasize why Dalit Feminism needed to start its journey in the worldwide arena, as well as how caste and gender interact to influence dalit women. 

'The Dalit women's movement in India made deliberate steps to tie themselves with global advocacy networks to promote the cause of their domestic fight,' according to Mahanta. 

This technique was designed to counter the government's dismissive attitude toward underrepresented voices. 

By instilling'shame' and tarnishing a nation's 'international standing,' alliances with transnational networks aided in putting pressure on the country. 

Hardtmann points out that the presence of dalit women in Durban should be seen "in contrast to the dominance of men in leadership positions within the Dalit movement locally/regionally in India and also in the Dalit diaspora." 

Dalit women's organizations exposed discrimination against dalit women by dalit men, as well as caste differences among women that had previously gone unnoticed by mainstream Indian Feminism. 

By emphasising the uniqueness of the category, 'dalit woman,' the rise of dalit women's organizations questioned the universality of 'woman' and 'dalit' by highlighting the specificity of the category, 'dalit woman,' via difference. 

"The women's movement has forgotten to identify the "caste" aspect in its enthrallment of "sisterhood," writes Vidyut Bhagat, "while the Dalit struggle has remained patriarchal and perceives the dalit women's oppression only as a caste oppression." 


~ Jai Krishna Ponnappan

You may also want to read more about Feminism and Activism here.





The Rise Of Dalit Feminism




The issue of who is/can be a feminist dalit feminist discourse has persisted from the beginning. 


The question of experiencing authenticity has become a rallying cry for those who argue that only ‘dalit women' are dalit feminists. 


In contrast, experience is questioned in terms of transparency, and the birth-based community is seen as limiting and ghettoized. 

From being a Dalit woman to being a Dalit feminist, this section takes you on a journey. 



This section starts with a mapping of a Dalit woman's identity and continues to an examination of the positionality of/as a Dalit feminist. 


This outlines the main theoretical features of Dalit Feminism while also speaking to its primary audience in this manner. 

This mapping reveals a Dalit Feminism theorization that is both ongoing and ever-evolving. 

The conclusion's title has a political connotation. 

As an epistemological frame, the ontological interpretation of being and becoming in nearly binary terms is rebuilt here. 



Dalit Feminism is seen to be defined by the ontological category of ‘Dalit woman,' but also embracing a stance that emphasizes the politics of casteist sexism and its structural implications. 


We go from the perspective of ‘Dalit women' to that of a Dalit feminist intersectional viewpoint. 

This framework may be used to generate alternative knowledge regarding caste and gender as an epistemological instrument. 

This paradigm is also helpful since it looks at implicit casteist-sexism (in texts/issues that do not explicitly include Dalit women) as well as explicit casteist-sexism (in texts/issues that do not explicitly feature Dalit women). 



This mapping revisits and modifies the concept of the ‘Dalit woman' as its main constituency via its study of Dalit Feminism as an epistemological framework. 


Indeed, Dalit Feminism is based on the basis of Dalit women and their experiences. 

However, as argued in and, the presence of Dalit women, or their articulations, does not automatically constitute a text/event Dalit feminist. 


Through the notion of casteist sexism, the technique of reinterpretation becomes crucial in developing an understanding of the connection between caste and gender, which changes knowledge based on these two as separate systems. 


And this is how a Dalit feminist intersectional perspective is formed. 

As a result, this mapping ends by arguing that Dalit Feminism is a stance, not just an identity. 


As a result, we may utilize the Dalit feminist intersectional perspective to expose the underlying casteist, sexist narratives in any section (not only those that solely concentrate on Dalit women characters). 

Sharmila Rege expands on the concept of speaking as a Dalit feminist by emphasizing that the Dalit feminist perspective avoids "the narrow alley of direct experience based "authenticity" and narrow "identity" politics, and includes "other groups who must educate themselves about the histories, preferred social relations and utopias, and the struggles of the marginalized," as well as "other groups who must educate themselves about the histories, preferred social relations and utopias, and the struggles of the marginalized."


Dalit Feminism as a viewpoint is not limited to Dalit women in this definition. 


In reality, it becomes a political platform that allows for the development of solidarity in the face of systems of intersectional oppression. 

When seen through the lens of analytic methodology, such an understanding of the Dalit feminist perspective broadens the scope of its theoretical framework. 

Because Dalit feminist epistemology is based on tasks of recovery and reinterpretation, Dalit Feminism focuses on both Dalit women's articulations (as seen in their autobiographies) and unraveling the complexities of caste and gender in texts and issues that are primarily viewed through the lens of caste or gender. 

In such cases, the confluence between caste and gender is implied. 


Dalit Feminism offers an essential perspective through which to examine any work, whether or not it includes representations of Dalit women, resulting in new ways of seeing that emphasize the intersections of caste and gender. 



To demonstrate this argument, I offer a Dalit feminist analysis of the films Lipstick Under My Burkha  and Sairat , both of which, although significant feminist and Dalit works, are not explicitly concerned with the figure of the Dalit woman. 



Lipstick Under My Burkha  tells the tales of four women who live in the same neighborhood and whose parallel lives show patriarchal tyranny and resistance. 


Their ‘real' and socially-accepted life are controlled by patriarchy, as Usha Parmar dresses up as an asexual ‘buaji,' Shirin Aslam is exposed to her husband's sexual violence, Rehana Abidi's behavior is dictated by her parents, and Leela is on her way to an arranged marriage. 


At the same time, these women have their fantasy lives, which are shown in the story of Rosy, the protagonist of an erotic pulp fiction section that Usha secretly enjoys reading. 

Their concealed aspirations of finding in love, expressing sexual urges, and achieving their objectives are partially performed via their secret second lives as a lady engaged in phone-sex, a salesman, a young rebel, and an ambitious entrepreneur, as shown in this section. 

After being rejected/reprimanded by their families and society, the four women are shown to have a sense of sisterhood based on their common experiences of patriarchal oppression as well as a shared moment of resistance at the conclusion of the film. 



The mainstream feminist interpretation of this film has emphasized its expression of female sexual desire, the duality in women's life, and its assertion of autonomy. 


Even reviews that praise the film's 'inclusiveness' in terms of age and religion, as well as its 'cautionary notes' that preclude any simple resolution of the difficult issues about women's desire that it raises, praise its 'inclusiveness' in terms of age and religion. 

When seen from a Dalit feminist intersectional perspective, the concept of inclusion and its depiction of female desire are reinterpreted. 

Leela and her mother, in particular, become important from this perspective. 

These two characters are characterized more ambiguously in the film than the rest. 

This stylistic difference from Shirin and Rehana seems to identify them as Hindus since none of them wears a burkha in public. 

Leela, on the other hand, is never given a surname, unlike the other three major female characters in the film. 



Given that surnames are often indicative of caste and group identification, this omission is especially noteworthy. 


In light of the film's silence regarding Leela's mother's marital status; whether she is a widow or if her husband abandoned her, this suppression of caste identity becomes even more significant. 


The mother, who supports herself by modeling nude for art students, admonishes her daughter Leela, telling her that the only option to marriage is to become a prostitute or to pursue a career as a nude model, as she does. 

This connection between body and profession can be understood from a Dalit feminist intersectional perspective in terms of the brahmanical sexualization of Dalit women's bodies, as a result of which Dalit women, who are considered inherently impure and lustful, are often confined to jobs that perpetuate their sexualization. 

Leela's mother's restricted option—marriage or prostitution/sexualized use of the body in the public sphere—takes on a caste-specific meaning, preventing any true agential exercise of choice. 

Intriguingly, it is Leela who is portrayed to use her sexual agency to the fullest extent possible in the film, not only initiating sex with her boyfriend many times, but even recording the act in one case and afterwards kissing her fianc√© in front of her boyfriend to make him jealous. 

While the film's emphasis on gender religion and the contradiction between sexual freedom and sexual oppression seems to exclude caste as an intersectional category of study, it also employs the brahmanical sexualization of the Dalit woman's body in its portrayals of Leela and her mother. 

As a result, a Dalit feminist interpretation of the film emphasizes the connection of caste and gender, which is implied in the film but overlooked by mainstream feminism. 

Sairat  puts caste front and center, while Lipstick Under My Burkha ignores it. 



The harshness of the caste system is illustrated by its strictures against exogamy in this Marathi film, which has garnered both financial and critical acclaim. 


In the film, a Dalit lad called Parshya and an upper-caste girl named Archie (from the landlord Patil caste) fall in love, are apprehended, escape and marry, only to be stabbed to death by the girl's family. 

Sairat has received praise for bringing to light the "disturbing" realities of caste, as well as playing Archie, a strong female character who "challenges traditional gender norms" by riding a Royal Enfield Bullet and standing up for Parshya against her brother. 

As a result, the film is commended for addressing both caste and gender issues. 

Caste and gender, on the other hand, are regarded as two separate groups that Parshya and Archie must deal with.

While Parshya is regarded as a symbol of Dalit tyranny by the uppercaste Patils, Archie is confronted with patriarchy via her family, particularly her father and brother. 

However, from a Dalit feminist intersectional perspective, the junction of caste and gender becomes the primary issue. 

When seen via this lens, the film seems to tacitly support rather than question certain casteist patriarchal beliefs. 

This film is considered a classic Dalit representation because it explores the Ambedkarite concept of inter-caste marriage (exogamy) via the union of a Dalit boy and an upper-caste lady. 

As a result, the Dalit lad becomes the main focus of the film, with the first part focused on his pursuit of the upper-caste girl who is the object of his love. 

This narrative arc implies a link between Dalit empowerment and Dalit masculinity. 

In reality, the film emphasizes Parshya's masculinity not only via his athletic prowess, but also through a comparison of his strong body to that of his bow-legged buddy, who, unlike Parshya, is unable to get the lady of his dreams. 



The film's near-complete omission of Dalit women strengthens this implicit link between Dalit masculinity and Dalit empowerment. 


Despite the fact that Parshya's mother and sister appear in the film, they are just in the background. 

While Parshya is away at school, his sister stays at home, and the film shows little knowledge of the family's gender inequality. 

The only time Parshya's mother and sister are shown conversing in the movie is during their discussion with Archie, during which they seem to be acutely aware of the latter's upper-caste status (as is visible through their servile attitude while speaking to Archie). 

As a result, this short contact does little to break down the caste barrier between women. 

The portrayal of Archie as a powerful, confident woman contrasts sharply with the near-invisibility of Dalit women. 

When seen in this light, Archie's caste identification becomes crucial to comprehending her agency in the film. 

Archie's behavior, for example, when she visits the large well and taunts the Dalit boys swimming there, represent a kind of caste agency that, in a harsher version, defines upper-caste men's verbal and physical attack on Dalit males. 




Caste dominance is portrayed as aggressive masculinity of upper-caste males when Dalit men verbally attack upper-caste men. 


Archie appropriates this masculinist casteist agency by mocking the Dalit lads. 

The mainstream understanding of Archie's pride as solely feminist is therefore challenged by a Dalit feminist reading, which emphasizes the caste privilege underpinning the feeling of superiority that characterizes her agency in connection to the Dalit males, especially Parshya. 

Archie's portrayal of caste and gender intersects even more in the second part of the film, when she and Parshya move to a new city to escape their caste-ridden hamlet. 

Archie does not have quick access to her caste authority in the public realm in this new social context, making her susceptible to sexual predators. 

Even in the city, however, Archie is portrayed to advance rapidly to a managerial position, whereas Parshya remains a mechanic, a low-paying, demeaning profession. 


As a result, their workplaces perpetuate the casteist pattern of valuing an upper-caste individual (although a woman) above a Dalit person. 


However, inside the domestic realm, Archie is perceived to be in charge of childcare and cooking, while Parshya shops and brings home the required supplies, reinforcing the patriarchal divide between the private and public spheres. 

Refocusing on the junction of caste and gender, rather than caste and gender in isolation, provides a new perspective on Sairat. 

It offers a more nuanced view of patriarchy's role in the portrayal of Dalit women, upper-caste women, and Dalit men.



~ Jai Krishna Ponnappan

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Feminist Coalition Across The World.




A number of feminist thinkers from across the world discuss the potential for cross-border and international alliances among feminists. 




In the fight against sex trafficking and rape of women in war circumstances, global feminist alliances have already formed. 



Additional kinds of global solidarity among women provide not only potential coalition-building opportunities, but also insightful theoretical assessments of global issues. 

Global feminist alliances need agreement on a political objective but not on a common identity or experience. 




The aim is to bring women together via a common commitment while yet preserving the individuality of each member of the coalition. 


  • The demand for sisterhood or solidarity in second wave feminism conflicts with this call for political solidarity. 
  • To root sisterhood among women, second wave feminism sought for common experiences of oppression or identity. 

Global feminists speak of a shared political commitment, or, as Chandra Talpade Mohanty puts it, a "common framework of struggle." Global feminist coalitions may benefit from the combined experience of all members in this manner. 




Transnational or global feminist alliances are often established across borders or despite linguistic difficulties. 



Coalitions may face challenges or impediments due to cultural norms and national political systems. 

Because their government is blameworthy for the agony and suffering of the women and men in that other nation, sympathetic feminists in one country may find their involvement in a cause in another country unwelcome. 

Perhaps their efforts should be focused toward opposing their own regime before forming alliances and coalitions with activists in other countries. 




Women in the United States, for example, could band up with women in Sudan or the Congo to oppose mass rape campaigns. 



Each member of the coalition contributes to the cause with her own set of skills and abilities. 

All of these initiatives come together to form a worldwide feminist political movement. 

Importantly, in order to build a genuine coalition - transnational or global solidarity – actual efforts must be taken to listen to and learn about those with whom one shares solidarity. 




Cultures and histories are also important. 



We should attempt to inquire about the numerous cultural norms that guide our varied responses to a problem as part of our listening. 

As a result, we strive to avoid replicating coercive or dominating relationships in our contacts across borders and across the world. 

From an epistemological standpoint, commitments to global feminist activity may necessitate what Maria Lugones refers to as "world" traveling. 



Traveling across the world is a metaphor for understanding. 



When you travel the globe physically, you have to alter the way you think and behave. 

Because it exposes the traveler to different ideas and views, real travel frequently offers up new ways of viewing things. 

Similarly, epistemological ‘world-traveling' requires us to view people from their perspective rather than our own. 

We are urged to attempt to comprehend a person as he or she comprehends himself. 

This kind of 'world' travel requires empathy and genuine attempts at friendship. 




In terms of morality, a commitment to global feminist action implies that interpersonal relationships and everyday choices are examined for their global consequences. 



What is ethically decent is not just what would result in the greatest outcomes for oneself and those in one's immediate circle of contacts. 

Instead, the repercussions of our acts are assessed worldwide, and our responsibilities are also expanded globally. 

Reciprocal agency is another essential moral component of global feminist commitment. 





Canadian, American, and European feminists are not the only ones with agency or who contribute to feminist thought. 




Women and men from the Third World, often known as the two-thirds world, have moral agency – the capacity to act in their own and others' best interests – and have a lot to say about global feminist thought. 

One of the most fascinating aspects of transnational and global feminist coalitions is that they demonstrate how feminists from many schools of thought and methods can work together to achieve major social change for the freedom of all women, men, and children. 

Individuals are also changed as a result of the process. 

These are some of feminist theory's main objectives. 


Global feminism, like third wave feminism, demonstrates that feminism is not only a female problem.


~ Jai Krishna Ponnappan

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War Rape And Violent Crimes Against Women








The emphasis of international law has traditionally been on inter-state conflict, but violence against women in war circumstances has only lately been addressed. 




Despite the fact that Hugo Grotius, the founder of international law, specifically mentions rape in his study of war, women have long been considered part of the spoils of war. 




That viewpoint is still prevalent in many areas of the globe. 

Women are often subjected to unjustified attacks during war circumstances, especially when they are not regarded simple property to be traded between defeated and victor. 


The United Nations has been compelled to confront violence against women in war circumstances as a result of recent initiatives by global feminist campaigners. 

The Beijing Platform for Action has had a significant impact on the international community's efforts to avoid violence against women in conflict. 


Furthermore, feminist theorists argue that women's bodies have become the battlefield in conflict, that rape and forced pregnancy employed in genocidal campaigns are aspects of genocide, and that rape adds layers of difficulties to the postwar healing process. 




Rape in battle typically involves non-combatants from the opposing side, although rape among military members is also a problem in combat circumstances. 





Despite the fact that both international law and most military rules of conduct ban targeting noncombatants, rape was and continues to be ignored. 

Rape, for example, was seen as an unwelcome but unavoidable aspect of military operations during World War II. 

This mentality is only the top of the iceberg, as bad as it is. 




Rape is frequently utilized in a systematic way as part of military strategy during wartime. 






Human rights groups in the former Yugoslavia, for example, documented at least five distinct ways that rape was utilized as part of the war effort. 

Rape was first utilized to terrorize and intimidate a population prior to the military assault. 

The Serbs then used rape as part of their assault and conquest tactics against a town or area. 

Women were raped or taken prisoner for use in rape camps; males were raped or taken prisoner for use in rape camps. 

Rape camps were facilities that were taken over solely for the purpose of sheltering women who had been raped on a regular basis for months. 



The rape camps also had a further purpose. 





Because the Serbs thought that a kid inherited his or her father's ethnicity, the rape camps were also used to forcefully impregnate women and force them to carry the child to term. 

Rape and forced pregnancy were therefore used as weapons in the ethnic cleansing effort. 

Fourth, in detention and refugee facilities, rape was committed solely for the purpose of rape. 

Finally, some women were imprisoned in so-called "bordello" camps, where they were mercilessly raped until they died. 

However, these acts of rape are not limited to the former Yugoslavia. 




Every war scenario include rape and other kinds of sexual assault, with women being the primary victims. 



Men's bodies, on the other hand, are used as weapons in battle. 

Men refer to their penises as extensions of or interchangeable with their weapons, according to several anecdotal reports from victims of war rape. 


This dubious and disturbing conflation of penises and weapons is even reflected in a military marching chant: 


‘This is my weapon, this is my rifle.' I fire bullets with this, and I have a good time with it.' 


We saw two significant genocide operations in the early 1990s, both of which utilized rape as a primary method of genocide. 




Unfortunately, the former Yugoslavia and Rwandan wars were not the last of their kind. 

Rape has been widely utilized in the Sudanese Darfur area and the Congo in recent years. 

Studying war rape, feminist theorists have claimed that rape is not only utilized as part of genocide, but that rape constitutes genocide in and of itself. 




Rape that results in death is known as genocidal rape. 



It may be rape that is carried out repeatedly till the woman dies or rape that is carried out in such a manner that the woman dies. 

Rape with the intent to kill is often carried out using items other than the penis. 

Women who have been raped may commit suicide, infanticide, or just want to die. 




Genocidal rape is also systematic and pervasive, whether as part of a genocide campaign or as genocide itself. 



Rape committed against a group of individuals, such as an ethnic, cultural, or religious community. 

However, it is also against women, prompting many radical feminists to call genocide rape femicide — the systematic slaughter of women. 

Rape also complicates attempts to restore peace and security in the aftermath of a conflict. 

In this respect, the example of Rwanda is instructive. 


During the Rwandan genocide in 1994, 800,000 people were murdered in around 100 days — neighbors were often raped by their neighbors. 


Furthermore, even after the war ended, many rape victims were murdered before they could testify against their former friends and neighbors. 

Because they were afraid of retaliation, several women were hesitant to even file charges against their rapists. 



This, among other things, was a problem for the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). 

Rape and torture were added to the list of crimes against humanity by both the ICTR and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), and the ICTR also included forced pregnancy. 


In 1997, the accusations against JeanPaul Akayesu, Mayor of Taba, Rwanda, were amended to include "rape as a method of genocide," and a year later, he became the first individual ever prosecuted and convicted of genocide and rape as a crime against humanity. 


Such beliefs are a necessary part of the postwar healing process. 

However, there are certain additional issues that must be addressed. 

Some cultures, for example, have strict restrictions against any kind of sexual activity before to or after marriage. 

Women who were raped in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda were often shunned by their communities. 




Rape also rips communities apart, which is another way it is genocidal. 



Following such terrible events, especially for the benefit of rape victims and their children, postwar reparations must include appropriate consideration of how rape has harmed personal and community ties. 

Counseling should be given not just to the women who have been raped, but also to their families and the broader community, so that rape victims do not continue to suffer the agony of their ordeal from inside their own community. 




Feminists and other activists concerned about justice believe that rape offenders should face punishment as part of the postwar process. 



Appropriate tribunals would need to be set up inside armies, as well as at the national and international levels. 

This proposal would involve prosecutions for individual troops who committed rape, as well as trials for commanders in charge who stood by and did nothing to prevent rape or who incorporated rape in their war planning and strategy.


~ Jai Krishna Ponnappan

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